Сайн байна уу Миний блогт зочилж байсан анд найзуудаа
Би бээр блог банжиг нээтээр зочилтол эх хэл дээрх блог хичнээн амар бас монголчуудтайгаа цуг байх нь гоё санагдаад энэхүү блогоо энд хүргээд зогсоож байна. Харин та бүхнийг миний шинэхэн блог bella.blog.banjig.net ээр зочлоод гарахыг хүсэе үгүй үгүй энэ таний дур л даа за бүгдээрэнд нь амжилт хүсэе

Арай хийж хэсэн тэнүүчилж байгаад гэр орондоо ирж хичээл номоо хийж эхлээд баахан хүсэл мөрөөдөлтэй ирсэн чинь энэ биеийг өвчин ороогоод болхоо байжээ гэж Ойрд эмнэлгийн үүднээс салахаа байв Одоо ингээд биеэ сайжрахаар хичэээлээ номоо хийж блогоо үргэлжлүүлж энгийн амьдралдаа орно доо гэж
Ингэхэд би гэдэг хүний нурууны бүх булчин агшсан юм байх Тэгээд хөдөлгөөн дутсан гэнээ Энэ нь тэгж аймааар өвддөг гэж даан ч мэдсэнгүй хээ хэхэх\
Хамгийн харамсалтай нь хорь хүрээгүй байж баахан хөгшин хүмүүсийн дунд дасгал хийгээд байгаан Тэр ч болоогүй ээ нурууны булчин татаад тонгойж болохгүй байгаам лдаа.Тэгсэн чин хүн болгон намайг насны доройтолд орж байна даа гэж өрөвдөөд байгааам даа. Дасгал хийхийн үнэ цэнээ гэж би ч эрүүл мэндээ бодохгүй бол хар залуугаараа хөгшчүүлийн тоонд орж, эмнээс салахаа байх нь уу дээ

За за ерөөсөө дасгалаа хийлээ

Өмөөрөл

Монголын арван жилээ, их сургуулиа төгсч байгаа олон сайн залуучууд магадгүй ихэнх нь гадаадад сургуульд сурахаар явах болсон ихэнхдээ Хятад, Англи, Америк, Солонгос, Япон гэх мэт. Харийн оронд боловсрол эзэмшиж, биеэ дааж, мэрийж сурж байгаа тэд нараараа бахархахаас яахав.
Харин Монголчууд бид чинь гадаадад морь унаж, гэрт амьдардаг хүмүүсээр төсөөлөгддөг учраас гадны хүмүүст хэрхэн хөгжиж байгаа талаар тайлбарлаж санал бодлоо хуваалцсаар байгаад бүүр мэргэжилтэн болчихлоо.
Харамсалтай нь Монголоо Монголчуудаасаа өмөөрөх шиг хэцүү юм байхгүй ажээ. Би эх орон гэж үндсэрхэг үзэл гаргадаг онгироо нэгэн биш ч гэсэн Монголчуудаасаа Монголоо өмөөрч хичнээн ч уйлав даа хэхээхэх.
Олон жилийн өмнө 5-10 жилийн өмнө амьдралын эрхээр ирээдүйгээ бодож эх орноо орхиод явсан тэднийг буруутгах аргагүй ч "Би Монгол шүү дээ" гэсэн өгүүлбэрийн үнэ цэнийг мэдэрдэггүй тэдний өмнөөс эх орныхоо өмнөөс би харамсаж байна. Гэхдээ Монгол маань хөгжөөд л байгаа хөгжих ч болно, хөгжүүлэх ч болно тийм биз дээ залуучуудаа.

Яагаад өмөөрдөг вэ гэхлээр таарсан Монголчууд болгон "Монголын зам нь бөглөрөөд, бие биенээ харж ч болохгүй утаатай байдаг гэлүү. Сая 7 сард юу боловоо Монголчууд яагаад байгаан бэ. Хэзээ хөгжихмийн бэ." гээд л бүгд л иймэрхүү юм ярина.
Монгол маань хөгжиж байгаа шүү дээ Үнэндээ өөрсдөө Монголоос төрж гарчихаад эх орныхоо төлөө юу ч хийхгүй өөр орон луу зугтчихаад больж үзмээрийнн:%
Хэзээ хөгжихийн ч гэж асууж байх шиг зарим нь бүүр хөгжихөөр нь очно доо ч гэх шиг болимоор юмаа

Уйтгарлав

Би бээр хүмүүний өчүүхэн нэг хэсэг дусал билээ кккк. Би тэнгэр багандсан барилгуудаас илүү дэлгэсэн тэрлэг шиг эх орон, салхи татуулсан хээр тал танийг л их санаж байна даа:)

Монгол айл бүрийн гаднах ийм болоосой:)

Цэцэрлэгт хүрээлэн

Хүний амьдрал урсан өнгөрөх энэ л мөчид юу хийж, хэрхэн амьдрах нь зөвхөн хүн болсон биднээс өөрсдөөс нь шалтгаална. Монголд сонгууль дөхөөд хүн бүр л нэлээд хэсэг нь л эх оронч болж хувирдаг. Би эх орондоо хайртай гэж худлаа цээжээ дэлдэхийн оронд хашаандаа нэг мод ч болов тариад агаар усаа хайрлаасай. Эх орон маань хөгжиж байгаа ч улам цөлжсөөр. Харин хөгжилтэй Америкийн хувьд цэцэрлэгт хүрээлэн, ой мод, өвс гэдгийг жинхэнэ утгаар нь ашиглаж байгаа ч юм шиг. Айл бүр нь гаднахаа арчилж, мод тарьж, зүлэгжүүлж, цэцэг тарина. Тарьчихаад хаячихгүй өглөө болгон л усалж, арчилж, засаж(зүлгээ тайрах, цэвэрлэх г.м) байгаа харагдана. Гудамжаар нь явахад өвсний үнэр хамар луу цонхийж, Монголд аав ээжтэйгээ жимсэнд явахад ойд үнэртдэг тэр л үнэр, мэдрэмж байнга мэдрэгдэнэ. Энд ногоон хивс бүхэлд нь дэвссэн мэт байх агаад хүүхдүүд нь дээгүүр нь эрх дураараа тоглох энэ дүр зураг дөрвөн улиралтай эрс тэс уур амьсгалтай Монголын иргэн надад хамгийн сонин агаад шинэхэн санагдаж нууцхан атаархал төрүүлсээр.
Амьдрах гэж зүдэрч байхад юун өвс ногоо арчлах вэ гэх хүмүүс олон л байх л даа гэхдээ энгийн зүйлээс л хөгжил эхлэх юм байна бидний ирээдүй цөлжиж буй Монголд биш ногоон тал цэцэгсийн хүрээлэнд бий болоосой.
Ядаж жилийн дөрвөн улиралд биш юмаа гэхэд зуны гурван сардаа цэцэг, өвс ногоо, мод тарьцгаая л даа Монголчуудаа!

geree sanaad bna:)

gereesee garaad 2 honoson mortloo geree sanaad uheh ni ee. geree sanaad l bna:)

In USA

Seoul-ees 12 tsag nisej ydarj uheh gej USA-d buulaa. Chicoga's O'Hare airport uneheer tom yum ali terminald bgaagaa ch medku uneheer gaihaltai airport dotroo metrogoor yvaad l.
Ongotsnoos Chicago city buudger onstgui haragdaj bsan chin buusnii daraa wonderful land bna. ene tendgui nogoon oi tsetserlegt hureelen. Michiganii derged bh ene hot uneheer goy yumaa. hamgiin gol ni aimaar tseverhen kekekek.
daraa ni goy goy zuragnuud tavinaa.
Americans bugd l hudlaa ineegeed tanihgui bsan ch hi geed l. Usiin uuj bgaa bolohoor ysiin dagahaas. kekekek
ideh yum ni songolttoi, buh zuil ni ok. American dream-iig baga zereg oilgoj ehlev:)

Inchon international niseh budal

Shono noirmog inchon niseh buudald gazardlaa. inchon airport uneher tom uilchilgee saitai yumaa. manai buyant uhaa hezee iim boloh bolooo? udahgui bailgui dee.
dotor ni buh l yum bn daa. Shopping is a bit of expensive:) internet is free. tegeed ongotsoo huleegeed l suuj bna daa. ymar ch bsan solongos orni baraag harav. tom airport bolohoor ynz buriin humuus bnaa end. adam gedeg americantai taniltsav. ih hogjiltei yum bnalee.
ene airportiin toilet ih taalagdav tseverhen yum bna lee. humuus ni eyldeg, goy airport bna uidah yumgui dara zaaval koread irey gesen setgegdel shuud torloo. ymar ch korea taalagdaj ehlev:)
Seoul, Korea

life is going:)

Шалгалт энэ тэр гээд ойрд ямар ч завгүй байв амьдрал үргэлжилсээр хээххэххэхэх

Оршихуй...

Цаг хугацаа ямар хурдан урсаж байгааг өөрөө ч анзааралгүй өнгөрөөснөө одоо л ухаарах шиг. Шалгалт бие даалт энэ тэр гэсээр байтал залуу нас маань ямар хурдан явж байгааг анзаарсангүй ээ. Хичээл хийх нь ч буруу биш л байх л даа Гэхдээ энэ бүхнээс бүүр залхчихлаа кккк.
Өчигдөр бороо орлоо. Бороо орж байж л зургаан сар дөхсөн шүү гэдгийг санууллаа шд. Өчигдөр ёстой айдсаар дүүрэн бэмбэгнэсэн өдөр байв. Учир нь их адал явдалтай ккк.
Америкийн визанд орсон чинь эхлээд улаан хуудас аваад, дараа нь шар хуудас аваад, тэгээд гурав орж байж гардаг байна шд. Хүмүүс надад итгэл хүлээлгэхгүй байгааг бодвол би чинь найдваргүй гар юм болуу ккк. ямар ч байсан хичээлээ тараад Америк орон ямар вэ гэдгийг сонирхохоор л боллоо. Монголд сурж байгаа надад гадаадад сурдаг хүүхдүүдийг бодвол энэ 3сарын боломж олдох нь маш хэцүү байв кк. Виз нь хүртэл гарч өгөхгүй ккк.

Улс төрөөр чи оролдохгүй ч улс төр чамаар оролдоно

... Гудамжны буланд байх хогийн савыг ноорхой хувцастай хэдэн хүүхэд ухаж үмх талх, бүтэн шил хайж байхад хажуугаар нь шил толь болсон жип машин сигналаа хангинуулан өнгөрөхийг ажваас өмссөн зүүсэн нь илт өөр үеийн нь хүүхдүүд байлаа. Энэ бол орон хот газар хаана ч харагдах жирийн дүр зураг. Монгол орныг маань нөмрөөд буй баян, хоосны ялгаа нийгмийн давхраажилтын энгийн жишээ юм. Энэхүү амьдралын ялгаатай байдал, нийгмийн давхраажилт, хүмүүн бидний эрх чөлөө цаашлаад улс орны тусгаар тогтнолд ч улс төр хүйн холбоотойгоор хамаарч байдаг.
Улс төр нь бүх л хүрээг хамарч бүх шинжлэх ухаантай холбогддогийг “Улс төр гэдэг тодорхой бус шинжлэх ухаан” гэсэн Отто Фон Бисмаркийн үгнээс харж болно.
Тэгвэл улс төрийн шинжлэх ухаан юу судалдаг вэ?
Ерөнхийдөө улс төрийн шинжлэх ухаан бол улс төрийн тухай, түүнээс хүн ба нийгэмтэй харилцах харилцааны тухай шинжлэх ухаан байдаг. Хүний нийгэм оршин тогтносон бүхий л үеийнхээ туршид сайн сайхан амьдралыг хүсэн тэмүүлсээр ирсэн нь бодит үнэн бөгөөд түүнийг хэрэгжүүлэх арга хэлбэрүүд нь өнөөдрийг хүртэл он цагийн шалгуураар төгөлдөржин боловсорсоор ирсэн бөгөөд үүнийг даган улс төр өөрөө шинэчлэгдэн баяжсаар ирсэн.
Үүнийг тайлбарлавал хүн гэдэг нийгэмшиж амьдардаг буюу хүнийг амьтан гэж үзвээс хүн нийгмийн амьтан юм. Нийгэмшилтийг улс төрөөс салган ойлгож болохгүй ба улс төрийг хүмүүн бидний амьдралаас салган ойлгож болохгүй юм.
Тийм ч учраас улс төр хүн бүрийн амьдралд хамааралтай байхын зэрэгцээ нөгөө талаасаа хүн бүрийн амьдрал улс төрөөс хамаарч байдаг.
Манай он тооллын өмнөх тавдугаар зуунд агуу их сэтгэгч Аристотель “Улс төр бол өөр бусад хүмүүстэй байнгын харилцан үйлчлэлд байх үйлийн тавилантай атлаа нийгэм хамт олны дотор үнэ цэнэтэй амьдрах чадвартай нийгмийн амьтан болох хүний уг чанарт суурилна.” гэж үзсэн байдаг.
Аристотелийн энэ санааг авч үзвэл нийгэм дэх хүмүүсийн хоорондын харилцаа нь улс төрд тулгуурлан тогтож байдаг учраас хүмүүн бид улс төрөөс хэзээ ч ангид амьдрахгүй юм.
Тэгвэл улс төр бидний амьдралд хэрхэн нөлөөлж байна вэ?
Та цалингаа нэмэгдүүлж, улсын халамжийн үйлчилгээнд хамрагдаж, эрүүл цэвэр орчинд амар тайван амьдрахыг хүсдэг үү?
Хүн бүр сайн сайхан амьдрахыг хүсдэг болохоор сайхан амьдралыг хүсэхгүй хүн гэж байхгүй. Тэгвэл таны сайхан амьдрахад нөлөөлөх томоохон шийдвэрүүдийг улс төрийн эрх баригчид гаргаж байдаг. Тухайлбал энгийн нэгэн оюутан байлаа гэхэд ардчилсан нийгэмд хуулийн хүрээнд, хуулинд захирагдан амьдарна. Уг хуулийг боловсруулагчид нь улс төрчид байдаг бөгөөд ямар ч тохиолдолд улс төрөөс хамааралтай амьдардаг гэсэн үг.
Улс төр бидний амьдралтай хүйн холбоотой бол улс төрийг бид хэрхэн ойлгодог вэ?
Монголчуудын хувьд зарим хүмүүс улс төрийг өөрсдөөс нь ангид зүйл гэж ойлгох тал байдаг. Хэдийгээр улс төр шууд утгаараа бидний амьдралтай холбогддоггүй байж болох ч улс төрийн үйл явц далд байдлаар нөлөөлж байдаг.
Хуулийн дагуу дөрвөн жилд нэг удаа бид сонгууль өгөх хэрэгтэй байдаг бөгөөд энэ өдөр л бид өөрсдийн саналаар төрийн эрх баригчдаа сонгож байдаг. Хэрэв бид зөв сонголт хийвэл бидний амьдрал сайжирна, буруу сонголт хийвэл буруудана. Эндээс үзвэл улс төр бол бидний сайхан амьдрах сонголттой салшгүй холбогддог бөгөөд ямар улс төрийн хүчинг сонгож байгаагаарай бид амьдралынхаа томоохон сонголтыг хийж байдаг. Таны нэг санал ч улс төрийн амьдралын олон зүйлийг шийдэж байдаг.
Би улс төрийг ойлгохдоо ард түмэн биднийг сайхан амьдруулах гэрлийг хонгилийн үзүүрт асааж, түүн үрүү явах замыг чиглүүлэгч гэж ойлгодог.
Агуу их сэтгэгч Аристотель “Хүн бол улс төрийн амьтан юм” гэж хэлсэн байдаг.
Тийм ээ! Хүмүүн бид улс төрөөс хэзээ ч ангид байж чадахгүй бөгөөд улс төр өөрөө ард түмэн биднээс саланги оршдоггүй нийгмийн шинжтэй нэгдмэл холбоо юм.

Таалан уншсан танд баярлалаа.

Хүн алхам тутамдаа сонголт хийсэн байдаг ба сонголт хийгээгүй байхдаа ч сонголт хийсэн байдаг

Дэлхий ертөнц эргэх хурдаараа хувьсан шинэчлэгдэж буй өнөө үед хүн төрөлхтөн бид улам л завгүй болж, амсхийх чөлөөгүй ажиллаж амьдрахдаа байнга шийдвэр гаргах хэрэгтэй болдог. “Амьдрал өөрөө сонголтоос бүрддэг” гэж нэгэн гүн ухаантны хэлсэн үг байдаг. Тиймээ бидний гаргаж буй шийдвэр гэж сонголтуудаас нэгийг нь сонгох тэр процессыг хэлдэг.
Өнөөгийн даяарчлал, техник технологийн хөгжлийг даган шийдвэр гаргахад нөлөөлөх сонголтын тоо өсөж байгаа ч олон сонголтоос зөв шийдвэр гаргах нь тун төвөгтэй байдаг. Та бид зөв шийдвэр гаргахын тулд эргэлзэн сонголт хийхгүй байх үе байдаг. Тэр үед бид шийдвэр гаргаагүй гэсэн сонголтыг хийсэн байдаг. Тиймээ бид ийнхүү байнга сонголт хийж байдаг.
Өдөр тутам бид сонголт хийж байдаг талаар өөр дээрээ энгийн жишээ авая. Би өдөр бүр өглөө найман цагаас хичээлтэй байдаг тул өглөө эрт босох нь миний хувьд тийм амар зүйл байдаггүй. Өглөө би сэрээд хичээлдээ явах уу, унтах уу гэж бодсоны эцэст гарах үр дүнгээс шалтгаалан нэгийг нь сонгож шийдвэр гаргадаг.
Уг шийдвэрийг гаргахад нөлөөлөх өөр сонголт байхгүй тул заавал аль нэгийг нь сонгох хэрэгтэй болдог.
Зоригтой хүн нэг шийддэг зориггүй хүн зуу шийддэг гэж аав маань байнга захидаг. Энэ нь ч үнэн бололтой. Учир нь миний багаасаа нөхөрлөсөн нэгэн найз маань арван жил төгсөөд мэргэжил сонгохдоо өөртөө итгэлгүй байсан бөгөөд аав ээжийнхээ шийдвэрийн дагуу сургуулиа сонгосон. Тэрээр эхэлж хуулийн сургуульд сурч байгаад удалгүй сургуулиа хаяж, багшийн сургуульд орсон боловч мөн л сургуулиасаа гарч ажил хийхээр Солонгос явсан. Эндээс үзэхэд найз маань олон сонголтоос эцэст нь мэргэжил одоохондоо эзэмшихгүй гэсэн сонголтыг хийсэн.
Бид байнга сонголт хийдэг талаар улс төр дээр жишээ авч үзэе. Дөрвөн жил тутамд сонгууль болдог. Уг сонгуулиар ямар хүмүүст төрийн эрх мэдлийг олгох нь та бидний сонголтоос хамаардаг. Сонгуульд оролцож буй хүн бүр нэг л хүнийг сонгодог. Харин зарим хүмүүс төр засагт үл итгэх байдлаас болон бусад шалтгаанаас хамааран сонгуульд оролцдоггүй. Энэ нь хэнийг ч сонгохгүй гэсэн нэгэн шийдвэр юм.
Тийм ээ, бидний амьдрал олон сонголтийн орчил дээр оршдог бололтой. Хамгийн гол нь бид шийдвэр гаргахдаа зөв сонголт хийсэн эсэхээс шалтгаалан үр дүн нь өөр өөр байдаг. Тухайлбал та бид ажил мэргэжил, албан газар, анд нөхөд гээд олон зүйлийг сонгосны эцэст сайхан амьдрах, тааруу амьдрахаа өөрсдөө ч мэдэлгүй сонгосон байдаг.
Нөгөө талаас нь авч үзвэл бид байгалийн зохилдлогоог даван сонголт хийж чаддаггүй. Хүн хүмүүн биеийг олохдоо өөрийн эцэг эх, хүйс, үр хүүхэд, эх орноо сонгодоггүй билээ. Мөн байгалийн аюул осол, байгалийн араншинг сонгож чаддаггүй.
Харин хүмүүн бид өөрсдөөс шалтгаалах, өөртэй холбоотой бүх зүйлд алхам тутамдаа сонголт хийж байдаг. Бид хэдий чинээ өндөр мэдлэг боловсрол эзэмшинэ төдий чинээ бидний зөв сонголт хийх хүрээ ихэсдэг гэж боддог.
Дээрхи жишээнүүдээр бид алхам тутамдаа сонголттой учирч, сонголт хийж, хийгээгүй байхдаа ч хийсэн байдгийг өөрийн үзэл бодлоор батлах гэж оролдлоо. Тийм ээ амьдрал тэр чигээрээ сонголт юм. Энэ эссэг хэрхэн дүгнэх нь хүртэл уншигч таний бас нэгэн сонголт юм.

Эх оронч Монгол хүн ...

... Алтайн уулсаас Дорнын их тал хүртэл
Алтан говиос умарын хөглөгөр ногоон ой хөвч хүртэл
Цэлгэр уудам нутаг хангайн Монгол, говийн Монгол
Цээжинд лугших зүрх миний эх орон ...
Монголын ард түмэн бид эртний түүхээсээ эхлээд эх орноо магтан эх орноороо бахархаж, шүлэглэж, дуулж ирсэн ард түмэн билээ. Бидний лугших зүрхний цохилт бүрд хамт байдаг эх орон гэж юу юм бэ?
Төрж унасан газар шороо, түүн дээр өвгөдийн цогцлоон бүтээсэн түүх соёл, өврөө дэлгэсэн газар нутаг гээд энэ бүхэн эх орон минь юм аа. Өнөөгийн даяаршиж буй ардчилсан Монгол оронд маань эх оронч гэх хүмүүс олширч, цээжээ дэлдэх болсон нь сайшаалтай ч жинэхэнэ эх оронч хүний сэтгэл гаргаж чаддаггүй нь харамсалтай. Саяхан гадаадын нэгэн танилтайгаа уулзтал, Монгол хүмүүсийн найдваргүй мөн бие биенээ муулсан зан, эх орноо худалдахаас ч буцахгүй байдлыг жигшсэнээ ярихад сэтгэл минь өвдөж байлаа.
Бид түүхээсээ Л.Дандар, С.Бодоо, Ард Аюуш гээд эх орныхоо төлөө амь биеэ хайрлалгүй тэмцэж байсан баатар эх орончдоороо бахархаж ирсэн. Дарийн утаа ханхалж, дайн болоогүй энх тогтуун энэ цагт эх оронч гэж ямар хүнийг хэлэх вэ?
Эх оронч үзэл гэдэг хүмүүн бидний сэтгэлд тээгдэн явдаг хийсвэр ойлголт бөгөөд эх орноо гэсэн чин сэтгэлтэй хүмүүсийг эх оронч хүн гэдэг. Хэдийгээр даяаршлын энэ зуунд залуучууд бид гадаад оронд амьдарч, бусдын соёлоос суралцаж байгаа нь сайшаалтай ч эх орноороо бахархаж, эх орноо хайрлах энэ сайхан эх оронч үзлээ хаяж болохгүй. Бидний эх орон, эх оронч үзэл бол хүмүүн болж төрөх ховорхон заяаны утга учир гэж би бодож явдаг. Уртын дуу, морин хуурь, говь тал, газар шороо энэ бүхнээ хайрлан хамгаалж, үүний төлөө хичэээнгүйлэн сурч боловсорч хөгжүүлэн цэцэглүүлэх хэрэгтэй. Тийм ээ, энэ л эх оронч Монгол хүмүүн миний үүрэг юм.

Эх орны ирээдүй миний нүдээр ...

Морин дээрээсээ буулгүй дэлхийн талыг эзэлж Монгол хэмээх нэрийг ертөнцөд дуурсгасан Чингис хааны байгуулсан их Монгол улсынхаа 800 жилийн ойг өнгөрсөн жил бид ёслол төгөлдөр тэмдэглэсэн билээ. Түүхээ дурсан санах энэ цаг үетэй хамт эх орныхоо ирээдүйн гарцыг бид бичилцэх ёстой.
1999 онд Нобелийн шагнал хүртсэн Амартъя Сэн хэмээх эдийн засагч зүүн Азийн шинээр хөгжсөн орнуудыг судлаад, улсын хөгжлийг түргэтгэсэн хамгийн гол хүчин зүйл “хүний хөгжил” гэсэн байдаг. Хүний хөгжил гэхлээр боловсрол, эрүүл мэнд, ... гээд олон зүйл орно.
Оюутан залуучууд бид өндөр боловсрол эзэмшиж, эх оронч сэтгэлгээтэй иргэд болж төлөвших нь эх орны ирээдүйн хөгжлийн түлхүүр нь юм. Боловсрол гэхээр зөвхөн мэдлэг гэж ойлгож болохгүй. Боловсролд мэдлэгээс гадна хүмүүн болж төлөвших ухамсар, өндөр ёс суртахуун, эх оронч сэтгэлгээ хамаарна. Энэ бүхнийг эзэмшсэн өндөр ухамсарт иргэдийг төлөвшүүлснээр эх орны минь ирээдүй гэгээлэг байж хөгжин мандах болно гэж би боддог.
Эх орны минь ирээдүй хөгжил цэцэглэлт залуучууд бидний гарт байна. Өнөөдрөөс эхэлж эх орныхоо хөгжлийн түлхүүрийг атгаж яваа залуучууд бид өндөр боловсрол, ёс суртахуунтай эх оронч иргэд болохын төлөө хичээнгүйлэн суралцаж бүх зүйлээ зориулах ёстой.

Монгол орон мандан бадартугай!

Women's Rights Are Human Rights by Hillary Clinton

Mrs. Mongella, Under Secretary Kittani, distinguished delegates and guests:

I would like to thank the Secretary General of the United Nations for inviting me to be part of the United Nations Fourth World Conference on Women. This is truly a celebration - a celebration of the contributions women make in every aspect of life: in the home, on the job, in their communities, as mothers, wives, sisters, daughters, learners, workers, citizens and leaders.

It is also a coming together, much the way women come together every day in every country.

We come together in fields and in factories. In village markets and supermarkets. In living rooms and board rooms.

Whether it is while playing with our children in the park, or washing clothes in a river, or taking a break at the office water cooler, we come together and talk about our aspirations and concerns. And time and again, our talk turns to our children and our families. However different we may be, there is far more that unites us than divides us. We share a common future. And we are here to find common ground so that we may help bring new dignity and respect to women and girls all over the world - and in so doing, bring new strength and stability to families as well.

By gathering in Beijing, we are focusing world attention on issues that matter most in the lives of women and their families: access to education, health care, jobs and credit, the chance to enjoy basic legal and human rights and participate fully in the political life of their countries.

There are some who question the reason for this conference.

Let them listen to the voices of women in their homes, neighborhoods, and workplaces.

There are some who wonder whether the lives of women and girls matter to economic and political progress around the globe.

Let them look at the women gathered here and at Huairou - the homemakers, nurses, teachers, lawyers, policymakers, and women who run their own businesses.

It is conferences like this that compel governments and people everywhere to listen, look and face the world's most pressing problems.

Wasn't it after the women's conference in Nairobi ten years ago that the world focused for the first time on the crisis of domestic violence?

Earlier today, I participated in a World Health Organization forum, where government officials, NGOs, and individual citizens are working on ways to address the health problems of women and girls.

Tomorrow, I will attend a gathering of the United Nations Development Fund for Women. There, the discussion will focus on local - and highly successful - programs that give hard-working women access to credit so they can improve their own lives and the lives of their families.

What we are learning around the world is that if women are healthy and educated, their families will flourish. If women are free from violence, their families will flourish. If women have a chance to work and earn as full and equal partners in society, their families will flourish.

And when families flourish, communities and nations will flourish.

That is why every woman, every man, every child, every family, and every nation on our planet has a stake in the discussion that takes place here.

Over the past 25 years, I have worked persistently on issues relating to women, children and families. Over the past two-and-a-half years, I have had the opportunity to learn more about the challenges facing women in my own country and around the world.

I have met new mothers in Jojakarta, Indonesia, who come together regularly in their village to discuss nutrition, family planning, and baby care.

I have met working parents in Denmark who talk about the comfort they feel in knowing that their children can be cared for in creative, safe, and nurturing after-school centers.

I have met women in South Africa who helped lead the struggle to end apartheid and are now helping build a new democracy.

I have met with the leading women of the Western Hemisphere who are working every day to promote literacy and better health care for the children of their countries.

I have met women in India and Bangladesh who are taking out small loans to buy milk cows, rickshaws, thread and other materials to create a livelihood for themselves and their families.

I have met doctors and nurses in Belarus and Ukraine who are trying to keep children alive in the aftermath of Chernobyl.

The great challenge of this Conference is to give voice to women everywhere whose experiences go unnoticed, whose words go unheard.

Women comprise more than half the world's population. Women are 70% percent of the world's poor, and two-thirds of those who are not taught to read and write.

Women are the primary caretakers for most of the world's children and elderly. Yet much of the work we do is not valued - not by economists, not by historians, not by popular culture, not by government leaders.

At this very moment, as we sit here, women around the world are giving birth, raising children, cooking meals, washing clothes, cleaning houses, planting crops, working on assembly lines, running companies, and running countries.

Women also are dying from diseases that should have been prevented or treated; they are watching their children succumb to malnutrition caused by poverty and economic deprivation; they are being denied the right to go to school by their own fathers and brothers; they are being forced into prostitution, and they are being barred from the bank lending office and banned from the ballot box.

Those of us who have the opportunity to be here have the responsibility to speak for those who could not.

As an American, I want to speak up for women in my own country - women who are raising children on the minimum wage, women who can't afford health care or child care, women whose lives are threatened by violence, including violence in their own homes.

I want to speak up for mothers who are fighting for good schools, safe neighborhoods, clean air and clean airwaves; for older women, some of them widows, who have raised their families and now find that their skills and life experiences are not valued in the workplace; for women who are working all night as nurses, hotel clerks, and fast food cooks so that they can be at home during the day with their kids; and for women everywhere who simply don't have time to do everything they are called upon to do each day.

Speaking to you today, I speak for them, just as each of us speaks for women around the world who are denied the chance to go to school, or see a doctor, or own property, or have a say about the direction of their lives, simply because they are women. The truth is that most women around the world work both inside and outside the home, usually by necessity.

We need to understand that there is no formula for how women should lead their lives. That is why we must respect the choices that each woman makes for herself and her family. Every woman deserves the chance to realize her God-given potential.

We also must recognize that women will never gain full dignity until their human rights are respected and protected.

Our goals for this Conference, to strengthen families and societies by empowering women to take greater control over their own destinies, cannot be fully achieved unless all governments - here and around the world - accept their responsibility to protect and promote internationally recognized human rights.

The international community has long acknowledged - and recently affirmed at Vienna - that both women and men are entitled to a range of protections and personal freedoms, from the right of personal security to the right to determine freely the number and spacing of the children they bear.

No one should be forced to remain silent for fear of religious or political persecution, arrest, abuse or torture.

Tragically, women are most often the ones whose human rights are violated.

Even in the late 20th century, the rape of women continues to be used as an instrument of armed conflict. Women and children make up a large majority of the world's refugees. When women are excluded from the political process, they become even more vulnerable to abuse.

I believe that, on the eve of a new millennium, it is time to break our silence. It is time for us to say here in Beijing, and the world to hear, that it is no longer acceptable to discuss women's rights as separate from human rights.

These abuses have continued because, for too long, the history of women has been a history of silence. Even today, there are those who are trying to silence our words.

The voices of this conference and of the women at Huairou must be heard loud and clear: It is a violation of human rights when babies are denied food, or drowned, or suffocated, or their spines broken, simply because they are born girls.

It is a violation of human rights when women and girls are sold into the slavery of prostitution.

It is a violation of human rights when women are doused with gasoline, set on fire and burned to death because their marriage dowries are deemed too small.

It is a violation of human rights when individual women are raped in their own communities and when thousands of women are subjected to rape as a tactic or prize of war.

It is a violation of human rights when a leading cause of death worldwide among women ages 14 to 44 is the violence they are subjected to in their own homes.

It is a violation of human rights when young girls are brutalized by the painful and degrading practice of genital mutilation.

It is a violation of human rights when women are denied the right to plan their own families, and that includes being forced to have abortions or being sterilized against their will.

If there is one message that echoes forth from this conference, it is that human rights are women's rights - and women's rights are human rights. Let us not forget that among those rights are the right to speak freely - and the right to be heard.

Women must enjoy the right to participate fully in the social and political lives of their countries if we want freedom and democracy to thrive and endure.

It is indefensible that many women in nongovernmental organizations who wished to participate in this conference have not been able to attend - or have been prohibited from fully taking part.

Let me be clear. Freedom means the right of people to assemble, organize, and debate openly. It means respecting the views of those who may disagree with the views of their governments. It means not taking citizens away from their loved ones and jailing them, mistreating them, or denying them their freedom or dignity because of the peaceful expression of their ideas and opinions.

In my country, we recently celebrated the 75th anniversary of women's suffrage. It took 150 years after the signing of our Declaration of Independence for women to win the right to vote.

It took 72 years of organized struggle on the part of many courageous women and men. It was one of America's most divisive philosophical wars. But it was also a bloodless war. Suffrage was achieved without a shot being fired.

We have also been reminded, in V-1 Day observances last weekend, of the good that comes when men and women join together to combat the forces of tyranny and build a better world.

We have seen peace prevail in most places for a half century. We have avoided another world war.

But we have not solved older, deeply-rooted problems that continue to diminish the potential of half the world's population.

Now it is time to act on behalf of women everywhere. If we take bold steps to better the lives of women, we will be taking bold steps to better the lives of children and families too.

Families rely on mothers and wives for emotional support and care; families rely on women for labor in the home; and increasingly, families rely on women for income needed to raise healthy children and care for other relatives.

As long as discrimination and inequities remain so commonplace around the world - as long as girls and women are valued less, fed less, fed last, overworked, underpaid, not schooled and subjected to violence in and out of their homes - the potential of the human family to create a peaceful, prosperous world will not be realized.

Let this Conference be our - and the world's - call to action.

And let us heed the call so that we can create a world in which every woman is treated with respect and dignity, every boy and girl is loved and cared for equally, and every family has the hope of a strong and stable future.

Thank you very much.

God's blessings on you, your work and all who will benefit from it.

Atoms for Peace By Dwight Eisenhower

Quote DB :: Speeches :: Dwight Eisenhower :: Atoms for Peace
Sponsored Links






Rate this Speech:



December 8th, 1953
________________________________________
Madam President and Members of the General Assembly:

When Secretary General Hammarskjold’s invitation to address this General Assembly reached me in Bermuda, I was just beginning a series of conferences with the Prime Ministers and Foreign Ministers of Great Britain and of France. Our subject was some of the problems that beset our world.

During the remainder of the Bermuda Conference, I had constantly in mind that ahead of me lay a great honor. That honor is mine today, as I stand here, privileged to address the General Assembly of the United Nations.

At the same time that I appreciate the distinction of addressing you, I have a sense of exhilaration as I look upon this Assembly. Never before in history has so much hope for so many people been gathered together in a single organization. Your deliberations and decisions during these somber years have already realized part of those hopes.

But the great tests and the great accomplishments still lie ahead. And in the confident expectation of those accomplishments, I would use the office which, for the time being, I hold, to assure you that the Government of the United States will remain steadfast in its support of this body. This we shall do in the conviction that you will provide a great share of the wisdom, of the courage, and the faith which can bring to this world lasting peace for all nations, and happiness and well-being for all men.

Clearly, it would not be fitting for me to take this occasion to present to you a unilateral American report on Bermuda. Nevertheless, I assure you that in our deliberations on that lovely island we sought to invoke those same great concepts of universal peace and human dignity which are so cleanly etched in your Charter. Neither would it be a measure of this great opportunity merely to recite, however hopefully, pious platitudes.

I therefore decided that this occasion warranted my saying to you some of the things that have been on the minds and hearts of my legislative and executive associates, and on mine, for a great many months -- thoughts I had originally planned to say primarily to the American people.

I know that the American people share my deep belief that if a danger exists in the world, it is a danger shared by all; and equally, that if hope exists in the mind of one nation, that hope should be shared by all.

Finally, if there is to be advanced any proposal designed to ease even by the smallest measure the tensions of today’s world, what more appropriate audience could there be than the members of the General Assembly of the United Nations. I feel impelled to speak today in a language that in a sense is new, one which I, who have spent so much of my life in the military profession, would have preferred never to use. That new language is the language of atomic warfare.

The atomic age has moved forward at such a pace that every citizen of the world should have some comprehension, at least in comparative terms, of the extent of this development, of the utmost significance to everyone of us. Clearly, if the peoples of the world are to conduct an intelligent search for peace, they must be armed with the significant facts of today’s existence.

My recital of atomic danger and power is necessarily stated in United States terms, for these are the only incontrovertible facts that I know. I need hardly point out to this Assembly, however, that this subject is global, not merely national in character.

On July 16, 1945, the United States set off the world’s first atomic explosion.

Since that date in 1945, the United States of America has conducted forty-two test explosions. Atomic bombs today are more than twenty-five times as powerful as the weapons with which the atomic age dawned, while hydrogen weapons are in the ranges of millions of tons of TNT equivalent.

Today, the United States stockpile of atomic weapons, which, of course, increases daily, exceeds by many times the total [explosive] equivalent of the total of all bombs and all shells that came from every plane and every gun in every theatre of war in all the years of World War II.

A single air group, whether afloat or land based, can now deliver to any reachable target a destructive cargo exceeding in power all the bombs that fell on Britain in all of World War II. In size and variety, the development of atomic weapons has been no less remarkable. The development has been such that atomic weapons have virtually achieved conventional status within our armed services.

In the United States, the Army, the Navy, the Air Force, and the Marine Corps are all capable of putting this weapon to military use. But the dread secret and the fearful engines of atomic might are not ours alone.

In the first place, the secret is possessed by our friends and allies, Great Britain and Canada, whose scientific genius made a tremendous contribution to our original discoveries and the designs of atomic bombs.

The secret is also known by the Soviet Union.

The Soviet Union has informed us that, over recent years, it has devoted extensive resources to atomic weapons. During this period the Soviet Union has exploded a series of atomic devices, including at least one involving thermo-nuclear reactions. If at one time the Unites States possessed what might have been called a monopoly of atomic power, that monopoly ceased to exist several years ago.

Therefore, although our earlier start has permitted us to accumulate what is today a great quantitative advantage, the atomic realities of today comprehend two facts of even greater significance.

First, the knowledge now possessed by several nations will eventually be shared by others, possibly all others.

Second, even a vast superiority in numbers of weapons, and a consequent capability of devastating retaliation, is no preventive, of itself, against the fearful material damage and toll of human lives that would be inflicted by surprise aggression. The free world, at least dimly aware of these facts, has naturally embarked on a large program of warning and defense systems. That program will be accelerated and expanded. But let no one think that the expenditure of vast sums for weapons and systems of defense can guarantee absolute safety for the cities and citizens of any nation. The awful arithmetic of the atomic bomb does not permit of any such easy solution. Even against the most powerful defense, an aggressor in possession of the effective minimum number of atomic bombs for a surprise attack could probably place a sufficient number of his bombs on the chosen targets to cause hideous damage.

Should such an atomic attack be launched against the United States, our reactions would be swift and resolute. But for me to say that the defense capabilities of the United States are such that they could inflict terrible losses upon an aggressor, for me to say that the retaliation capabilities of the Unites States are so great that such an aggressor’s land would be laid waste, all this, while fact, is not the true expression of the purpose and the hope of the United States.

To pause there would be to confirm the hopeless finality of a belief that two atomic colossi are doomed malevolently to eye each other indefinitely across a trembling world. To stop there would be to accept helplessly the probability of civilization destroyed, the annihilation of the irreplaceable heritage of mankind handed down to use generation from generation, and the condemnation of mankind to begin all over again the age-old struggle upward from savagery toward decency, and right, and justice. Surely no sane member of the human race could discover victory in such desolation.

Could anyone wish his name to be coupled by history with such human degradation and destruction? Occasional pages of history do record the faces of the “great destroyers,” but the whole book of history reveals mankind’s never-ending quest for peace and mankind’s God-given capacity to build.

It is with the book of history, and not with isolated pages, that the United States will ever wish to be identified. My country wants to be constructive, not destructive. It wants agreements, not wars, among nations. It wants itself to live in freedom and in the confidence that the people of every other nation enjoy equally the right of choosing their own way of life.

So my country’s purpose is to help us to move out of the dark chamber of horrors into the light, to find a way by which the minds of men, the hopes of men, the souls of men everywhere, can move forward towards peace and happiness and well-being.

In this quest, I know that we must not lack patience. I know that in a world divided, such as ours today, salvation cannot be attained by one dramatic act. I know that many steps will have to be taken over many months before the world can look at itself one day and truly realize that a new climate of mutually peaceful confidence is abroad in the world. But I know, above all else, that we must start to take these steps now.

The United States and its allies, Great Britain and France, have, over the past months, tried to take some of these steps. Let no one say that we shun the conference table. On the record has long stood the request of the United States, Great Britain, and France to negotiate with the Soviet Union the problems of a divided Germany. On that record has long stood the request of the same three nations to negotiate an Austrian peace treaty. On the same record still stands the request of the United Nations to negotiate the problems of Korea.

Most recently we have received from the Soviet Union what is in effect an expression of willingness to hold a four-Power meeting. Along with our allies, Great Britain and France, we were pleased to see that his note did not contain the unacceptable pre-conditions previously put forward. As you already know from our joint Bermuda communiquй, the United States, Great Britain, and France have agreed promptly to meet with the Soviet Union.

The Government of the United States approaches this conference with hopeful sincerity. We will bend every effort of our minds to the single purpose of emerging from that conference with tangible results towards peace, the only true way of lessening international tension. We never have, we never will, propose or suggest that the Soviet Union surrender what is rightly theirs. We will never say that the people of the Russia are an enemy with whom we have no desire ever to deal or mingle in friendly and fruitful relationship.

On the contrary, we hope that this coming conference may initiate a relationship with the Soviet Union which will eventually bring about a free intermingling of the peoples of the East and of the West -- the one sure, human way of developing the understanding required for confident and peaceful relations.

Instead of the discontent which is now settling upon Eastern Germany, occupied Austria, and the countries of Eastern Europe, we seek a harmonious family of free European nations, with none a threat to the other, and least of all a threat to the peoples of the Russia. Beyond the turmoil and strife and misery of Asia, we seek peaceful opportunity for these peoples to develop their natural resources and to elevate their lives.

These are not idle words or shallow visions. Behind them lies a story of nations lately come to independence, not as a result of war, but through free grant or peaceful negotiation. There is a record already written of assistance gladly given by nations of the West to needy peoples and to those suffering the temporary effects of famine, drought, and natural disaster. These are deeds of peace. They speak more loudly than promises or protestations of peaceful intent.

But I do not wish to rest either upon the reiteration of past proposals or the restatement of past deeds. The gravity of the time is such that every new avenue of peace, no matter how dimly discernible, should be explored. There is at least one new avenue of peace which has not yet been well explored -- an avenue now laid out by the General Assembly of the Unites Nations.

In its resolution of November 18, 1953 this General Assembly suggested -- and I quote -- “that the Disarmament Commission study the desirability of establishing a sub-committee consisting of representatives of the Powers principally involved, which should seek in private an acceptable solution and report such a solution to the General Assembly and to the Security Council not later than September 1, of 1954.”

The United States, heeding the suggestion of the General Assembly of the United Nations, is instantly prepared to meet privately with such other countries as may be “principally involved,” to seek “an acceptable solution” to the atomic armaments race which overshadows not only the peace, but the very life of the world. We shall carry into these private or diplomatic talks a new conception.

The United States would seek more than the mere reduction or elimination of atomic materials for military purposes. It is not enough to take this weapon out of the hands of the soldiers. It must be put into the hands of those who will know how to strip its military casing and adapt it to the arts of peace.

The United States knows that if the fearful trend of atomic military build-up can be reversed, this greatest of destructive forces can be developed into a great boon, for the benefit of all mankind. The United States knows that peaceful power from atomic energy is no dream of the future. That capability, already proved, is here, now, today. Who can doubt, if the entire body of the world’s scientists and engineers had adequate amounts of fissionable material with which to test and develop their ideas, that this capability would rapidly be transformed into universal, efficient, and economic usage?

To hasten the day when fear of the atom will begin to disappear from the minds of people and the governments of the East and West, there are certain steps that can be taken now. I therefore make the following proposals:

The governments principally involved, to the extent permitted by elementary prudence, to begin now and continue to make joint contributions from their stockpiles of normal uranium and fissionable materials to an international atomic energy agency. We would expect that such an agency would be set up under the aegis of the United Nations.

The ratios of contributions, the procedures, and other details would properly be within the scope of the “private conversations” I have referred to earlier.

The United States is prepared to undertake these explorations in good faith. Any partner of the United States acting in the same good faith will find the United States a not unreasonable or ungenerous associate.

Undoubtedly, initial and early contributions to this plan would be small in quantity. However, the proposal has the great virtue that it can be undertaken without the irritations and mutual suspicions incident to any attempt to set up a completely acceptable system of world-wide inspection and control.

The atomic energy agency could be made responsible for the impounding, storage, and protection of the contributed fissionable and other materials. The ingenuity of our scientists will provide special safe conditions under which such a bank of fissionable material can be made essentially immune to surprise seizure.

The more important responsibility of this atomic energy agency would be to devise methods whereby this fissionable material would be allocated to serve the peaceful pursuits of mankind. Experts would be mobilized to apply atomic energy to the needs of agriculture, medicine, and other peaceful activities. A special purpose would be to provide abundant electrical energy in the power-starved areas of the world. Thus the contributing Powers would be dedicating some of their strength to serve the needs rather than the fears of mankind.

The United States would be more than willing -- it would be proud to take up with others “principally involved” the development of plans whereby such peaceful use of atomic energy would be expedited.

Of those “principally involved” the Soviet Union must, of course, be one. I would be prepared to submit to the Congress of the United States, and with every expectation of approval, any such plan that would, first, encourage world-wide investigation into the most effective peacetime uses of fissionable material, and with the certainty that they [the investigators] had all the material needed for the conduct of all experiments that were appropriate; second, begin to diminish the potential destructive power of the world’s atomic stockpiles; third, allow all peoples of all nations to see that, in this enlightened age, the great Powers of the earth, both of the East and of the West, are interested in human aspirations first rather than in building up the armaments of war; fourth, open up a new channel for peaceful discussion and initiate at least a new approach to the many difficult problems that must be solved in both private and public conversations, if the world is to shake off the inertia imposed by fear and is to make positive progress toward peace.

Against the dark background of the atomic bomb, the United States does not wish merely to present strength, but also the desire and the hope for peace.

The coming months will be fraught with fateful decisions. In this Assembly, in the capitals and military headquarters of the world, in the hearts of men everywhere, be they governed or governors, may be the decisions which will lead this world out of fear and into peace.

To the making of these fateful decisions, the United States pledges before you, and therefore before the world, its determination to help solve the fearful atomic dilemma -- to devote its entire heart and mind to find the way by which the miraculous inventiveness of man shall not be dedicated to his death, but consecrated to his life.

I again thank the delegates for the great honor they have done me in inviting me to appear before them and in listening to me so courteously.

A Time for Choosing by Ronald Reagan

Thank you very much. Thank you and good evening. The sponsor has been identified, but unlike most television programs, the performer hasn't been provided with a script. As a matter of fact, I have been permitted to choose my own ideas regarding the choice that we face in the next few weeks.

I have spent most of my life as a Democrat. I recently have seen fit to follow another course. I believe that the issues confronting us cross party lines. Now, one side in this campaign has been telling us that the issues of this election are the maintenance of peace and prosperity. The line has been used "We've never had it so good."

But I have an uncomfortable feeling that this prosperity isn't something on which we can base our hopes for the future. No nation in history has ever survived a tax burden that reached a third of its national income. Today, 37 cents of every dollar earned in this country is the tax collector's share, and yet our government continues to spend $17 million a day more than the government takes in. We haven't balanced our budget 28 out of the last 34 years. We have raised our debt limit three times in the last twelve months, and now our national debt is one and a half times bigger than all the combined debts of all the nations in the world. We have $15 billion in gold in our treasury--we don't own an ounce. Foreign dollar claims are $27.3 billion, and we have just had announced that the dollar of 1939 will now purchase 45 cents in its total value.

As for the peace that we would preserve, I wonder who among us would like to approach the wife or mother whose husband or son has died in South Vietnam and ask them if they think this is a peace that should be maintained indefinitely. Do they mean peace, or do they mean we just want to be left in peace? There can be no real peace while one American is dying some place in the world for the rest of us. We are at war with the most dangerous enemy that has ever faced mankind in his long climb from the swamp to the stars, and it has been said if we lose that war, and in doing so lose this way of freedom of ours, history will record with the greatest astonishment that those who had the most to lose did the least to prevent its happening. Well, I think it's time we ask ourselves if we still know the freedoms that were intended for us by the Founding Fathers.

Not too long ago two friends of mine were talking to a Cuban refugee, a businessman who had escaped from Castro, and in the midst of his story one of my friends turned to the other and said, "We don't know how lucky we are." And the Cuban stopped and said, "How lucky you are! I had someplace to escape to." In that sentence he told us the entire story. If we lose freedom here, there is no place to escape to. This is the last stand on Earth. And this idea that government is beholden to the people, that it has no other source of power except to sovereign people, is still the newest and most unique idea in all the long history of man's relation to man. This is the issue of this election. Whether we believe in our capacity for self-government or whether we abandon the American revolution and confess that a little intellectual elite in a far-distant capital can plan our lives for us better than we can plan them ourselves.

You and I are told increasingly that we have to choose between a left or right, but I would like to suggest that there is no such thing as a left or right. There is only an up or down--up to a man's age-old dream, the ultimate in individual freedom consistent with law and order--or down to the ant heap totalitarianism, and regardless of their sincerity, their humanitarian motives, those who would trade our freedom for security have embarked on this downward course.

In this vote-harvesting time, they use terms like the "Great Society," or as we were told a few days ago by the President, we must accept a "greater government activity in the affairs of the people." But they have been a little more explicit in the past and among themselves--and all of the things that I now will quote have appeared in print. These are not Republican accusations. For example, they have voices that say "the cold war will end through acceptance of a not undemocratic socialism." Another voice says that the profit motive has become outmoded, it must be replaced by the incentives of the welfare state; or our traditional system of individual freedom is incapable of solving the complex problems of the 20th century. Senator Fullbright has said at Stanford University that the Constitution is outmoded. He referred to the president as our moral teacher and our leader, and he said he is hobbled in his task by the restrictions in power imposed on him by this antiquated document. He must be freed so that he can do for us what he knows is best. And Senator Clark of Pennsylvania, another articulate spokesman, defines liberalism as "meeting the material needs of the masses through the full power of centralized government." Well, I for one resent it when a representative of the people refers to you and me--the free man and woman of this country--as "the masses." This is a term we haven't applied to ourselves in America. But beyond that, "the full power of centralized government"--this was the very thing the Founding Fathers sought to minimize. They knew that governments don't control things. A government can't control the economy without controlling people. And they know when a government sets out to do that, it must use force and coercion to achieve its purpose. They also knew, those Founding Fathers, that outside of its legitimate functions, government does nothing as well or as economically as the private sector of the economy.

Now, we have no better example of this than the government's involvement in the farm economy over the last 30 years. Since 1955, the cost of this program has nearly doubled. One-fourth of farming in America is responsible for 85% of the farm surplus. Three-fourths of farming is out on the free market and has known a 21% increase in the per capita consumption of all its produce. You see, that one-fourth of farming is regulated and controlled by the federal government. In the last three years we have spent $43 in feed grain program for every bushel of corn we don't grow.

Senator Humphrey last week charged that Barry Goldwater as President would seek to eliminate farmers. He should do his homework a little better, because he will find out that we have had a decline of 5 million in the farm population under these government programs. He will also find that the Democratic administration has sought to get from Congress an extension of the farm program to include that three-fourths that is now free. He will find that they have also asked for the right to imprison farmers who wouldn't keep books as prescribed by the federal government. The Secretary of Agriculture asked for the right to seize farms through condemnation and resell them to other individuals. And contained in that same program was a provision that would have allowed the federal government to remove 2 million farmers from the soil.

At the same time, there has been an increase in the Department of Agriculture employees. There is now one for every 30 farms in the United States, and still they can't tell us how 66 shiploads of grain headed for Austria disappeared without a trace and Billie Sol Estes never left shore.

Every responsible farmer and farm organization has repeatedly asked the government to free the farm economy, but who are farmers to know what is best for them? The wheat farmers voted against a wheat program. The government passed it anyway. Now the price of bread goes up; the price of wheat to the farmer goes down.

Meanwhile, back in the city, under urban renewal the assault on freedom carries on. Private property rights are so diluted that public interest is almost anything that a few government planners decide it should be. In a program that takes for the needy and gives to the greedy, we see such spectacles as in Cleveland, Ohio, a million-and-a-half-dollar building completed only three years ago must be destroyed to make way for what government officials call a "more compatible use of the land." The President tells us he is now going to start building public housing units in the thousands where heretofore we have only built them in the hundreds. But FHA and the Veterans Administration tell us that they have 120,000 housing units they've taken back through mortgage foreclosures. For three decades, we have sought to solve the problems of unemployment through government planning, and the more the plans fail, the more the planners plan. The latest is the Area Redevelopment Agency. They have just declared Rice County, Kansas, a depressed area. Rice County, Kansas, has two hundred oil wells, and the 14,000 people there have over $30 million on deposit in personal savings in their banks. When the government tells you you're depressed, lie down and be depressed.

We have so many people who can't see a fat man standing beside a thin one without coming to the conclusion that the fat man got that way by taking advantage of the thin one. So they are going to solve all the problems of human misery through government and government planning. Well, now, if government planning and welfare had the answer and they've had almost 30 years of it, shouldn't we expect government to almost read the score to us once in a while? Shouldn't they be telling us about the decline each year in the number of people needing help? The reduction in the need for public housing?

But the reverse is true. Each year the need grows greater, the program grows greater. We were told four years ago that 17 million people went to bed hungry each night. Well, that was probably true. They were all on a diet. But now we are told that 9.3 million families in this country are poverty-stricken on the basis of earning less than $3,000 a year. Welfare spending is 10 times greater than in the dark depths of the Depression. We are spending $45 billion on welfare. Now do a little arithmetic, and you will find that if we divided the $45 billion up equally among those 9 million poor families, we would be able to give each family $4,600 a year, and this added to their present income should eliminate poverty! Direct aid to the poor, however, is running only about $600 per family. It would seem that someplace there must be some overhead.

So now we declare "war on poverty," or "you, too, can be a Bobby Baker!" Now, do they honestly expect us to believe that if we add $1 billion to the $45 million we are spending...one more program to the 30-odd we have--and remember, this new program doesn't replace any, it just duplicates existing programs--do they believe that poverty is suddenly going to disappear by magic? Well, in all fairness I should explain that there is one part of the new program that isn't duplicated. This is the youth feature. We are now going to solve the dropout problem, juvenile delinquency, by reinstituting something like the old CCC camps, and we are going to put our young people in camps, but again we do some arithmetic, and we find that we are going to spend each year just on room and board for each young person that we help $4,700 a year! We can send them to Harvard for $2,700! Don't get me wrong. I'm not suggesting that Harvard is the answer to juvenile delinquency.

But seriously, what are we doing to those we seek to help? Not too long ago, a judge called me here in Los Angeles. He told me of a young woman who had come before him for a divorce. She had six children, was pregnant with her seventh. Under his questioning, she revealed her husband was a laborer earning $250 a month. She wanted a divorce so that she could get an $80 raise. She is eligible for $330 a month in the Aid to Dependent Children Program. She got the idea from two women in her neighborhood who had already done that very thing.

Yet anytime you and I question the schemes of the do-gooders, we are denounced as being against their humanitarian goals. They say we are always "against" things, never "for" anything. Well, the trouble with our liberal friends is not that they are ignorant, but that they know so much that isn't so. We are for a provision that destitution should not follow unemployment by reason of old age, and to that end we have accepted Social Security as a step toward meeting the problem.

But we are against those entrusted with this program when they practice deception regarding its fiscal shortcomings, when they charge that any criticism of the program means that we want to end payments to those who depend on them for livelihood. They have called it insurance to us in a hundred million pieces of literature. But then they appeared before the Supreme Court and they testified that it was a welfare program. They only use the term "insurance" to sell it to the people. And they said Social Security dues are a tax for the general use of the government, and the government has used that tax. There is no fund, because Robert Byers, the actuarial head, appeared before a congressional committee and admitted that Social Security as of this moment is $298 billion in the hole. But he said there should be no cause for worry because as long as they have the power to tax, they could always take away from the people whatever they needed to bail them out of trouble! And they are doing just that.

A young man, 21 years of age, working at an average salary...his Social Security contribution would, in the open market, buy him an insurance policy that would guarantee $220 a month at age 65. The government promises $127. He could live it up until he is 31 and then take out a policy that would pay more than Social Security. Now, are we so lacking in business sense that we can't put this program on a sound basis so that people who do require those payments will find that they can get them when they are due...that the cupboard isn't bare? Barry Goldwater thinks we can.

At the same time, can't we introduce voluntary features that would permit a citizen who can do better on his own to be excused upon presentation of evidence that he had made provisions for the non-earning years? Should we allow a widow with children to work, and not lose the benefits supposedly paid for by her deceased husband? Shouldn't you and I be allowed to declare who our beneficiaries will be under these programs, which we cannot do? I think we are for telling our senior citizens that no one in this country should be denied medical care because of a lack of funds. But I think we are against forcing all citizens, regardless of need, into a compulsory government program, especially when we have such examples, as announced last week, when France admitted that their Medicare program was now bankrupt. They've come to the end of the road.

In addition, was Barry Goldwater so irresponsible when he suggested that our government give up its program of deliberate planned inflation so that when you do get your Social Security pension, a dollar will buy a dollar's worth, and not 45 cents' worth?

I think we are for an international organization, where the nations of the world can seek peace. But I think we are against subordinating American interests to an organization that has become so structurally unsound that today you can muster a two-thirds vote on the floor of the General Assembly among the nations that represent less than 10 percent of the world's population. I think we are against the hypocrisy of assailing our allies because here and there they cling to a colony, while we engage in a conspiracy of silence and never open our mouths about the millions of people enslaved in Soviet colonies in the satellite nation.

I think we are for aiding our allies by sharing of our material blessings with those nations which share in our fundamental beliefs, but we are against doling out money government to government, creating bureaucracy, if not socialism, all over the world. We set out to help 19 countries. We are helping 107. We spent $146 billion. With that money, we bought a $2 million yacht for Haile Selassie. We bought dress suits for Greek undertakers, extra wives for Kenyan government officials. We bought a thousand TV sets for a place where they have no electricity. In the last six years, 52 nations have bought $7 billion worth of our gold, and all 52 are receiving foreign aid from this country.

No government ever voluntarily reduces itself in size. Government programs, once launched, never disappear. Actually, a government bureau is the nearest thing to eternal life we'll ever see on this Earth. Federal employees number 2.5 million, and federal, state, and local, one out of six of the nation's work force is employed by the government. These proliferating bureaus with their thousands of regulations have cost us many of our constitutional safeguards. How many of us realize that today federal agents can invade a man's property without a warrant? They can impose a fine without a formal hearing, let alone a trial by jury, and they can seize and sell his property in auction to enforce the payment of that fine. In Chico County, Arkansas, James Wier overplanted his rice allotment. The government obtained a $17,000 judgment, and a U.S. marshal sold his 950-acre farm at auction. The government said it was necessary as a warning to others to make the system work. Last February 19 at the University of Minnesota, Norman Thomas, six-time candidate for President on the Socialist Party ticket, said, "If Barry Goldwater became President, he would stop the advance of socialism in the United States." I think that's exactly what he will do.

As a former Democrat, I can tell you Norman Thomas isn't the only man who has drawn this parallel to socialism with the present administration. Back in 1936, Mr. Democrat himself, Al Smith, the great American, came before the American people and charged that the leadership of his party was taking the part of Jefferson, Jackson, and Cleveland down the road under the banners of Marx, Lenin, and Stalin. And he walked away from his party, and he never returned to the day he died, because to this day, the leadership of that party has been taking that party, that honorable party, down the road in the image of the labor socialist party of England. Now it doesn't require expropriation or confiscation of private property or business to impose socialism on a people. What does it mean whether you hold the deed or the title to your business or property if the government holds the power of life and death over that business or property? Such machinery already exists. The government can find some charge to bring against any concern it chooses to prosecute. Every businessman has his own tale of harassment. Somewhere a perversion has taken place. Our natural, inalienable rights are now considered to be a dispensation of government, and freedom has never been so fragile, so close to slipping from our grasp as it is at this moment. Our Democratic opponents seem unwilling to debate these issues. They want to make you and I believe that this is a contest between two men...that we are to choose just between two personalities.

Well, what of this man that they would destroy? And in destroying, they would destroy that which he represents, the ideas that you and I hold dear. Is he the brash and shallow and trigger-happy man they say he is? Well, I have been privileged to know him "when." I knew him long before he ever dreamed of trying for high office, and I can tell you personally I have never known a man in my life I believe so incapable of doing a dishonest or dishonorable thing.

This is a man who in his own business, before he entered politics, instituted a profit-sharing plan, before unions had ever thought of it. He put in health and medical insurance for all his employees. He took 50 percent of the profits before taxes and set up a retirement program, a pension plan for all his employees. He sent checks for life to an employee who was ill and couldn't work. He provided nursing care for the children of mothers who work in the stores. When Mexico was ravaged by floods from the Rio Grande, he climbed in his airplane and flew medicine and supplies down there.

An ex-GI told me how he met him. It was the week before Christmas during the Korean War, and he was at the Los Angeles airport trying to get a ride home to Arizona for Christmas, and he said that there were a lot of servicemen there and no seats available on the planes. Then a voice came over the loudspeaker and said, "Any men in uniform wanting a ride to Arizona, go to runway such-and-such," and they went down there, and there was this fellow named Barry Goldwater sitting in his plane. Every day in the weeks before Christmas, all day long, he would load up the plane, fly to Arizona, fly them to their homes, then fly back over to get another load.

During the hectic split-second timing of a campaign, this is a man who took time out to sit beside an old friend who was dying of cancer. His campaign managers were understandably impatient, but he said, "There aren't many left who care what happens to her. I'd like her to know I care." This is a man who said to his 19-year-old son, "There is no foundation like the rock of honesty and fairness, and when you begin to build your life upon that rock, with the cement of the faith in God that you have, then you have a real start." This is not a man who could carelessly send other people's sons to war. And that is the issue of this campaign that makes all of the other problems I have discussed academic, unless we realize that we are in a war that must be won.

Those who would trade our freedom for the soup kitchen of the welfare state have told us that they have a utopian solution of peace without victory. They call their policy "accommodation." And they say if we only avoid any direct confrontation with the enemy, he will forget his evil ways and learn to love us. All who oppose them are indicted as warmongers. They say we offer simple answers to complex problems. Well, perhaps there is a simple answer--not an easy answer--but simple.

If you and I have the courage to tell our elected officials that we want our national policy based upon what we know in our hearts is morally right. We cannot buy our security, our freedom from the threat of the bomb by committing an immorality so great as saying to a billion now in slavery behind the Iron Curtain, "Give up your dreams of freedom because to save our own skin, we are willing to make a deal with your slave masters." Alexander Hamilton said, "A nation which can prefer disgrace to danger is prepared for a master, and deserves one." Let's set the record straight. There is no argument over the choice between peace and war, but there is only one guaranteed way you can have peace--and you can have it in the next second--surrender.

Admittedly there is a risk in any course we follow other than this, but every lesson in history tells us that the greater risk lies in appeasement, and this is the specter our well-meaning liberal friends refuse to face--that their policy of accommodation is appeasement, and it gives no choice between peace and war, only between fight and surrender. If we continue to accommodate, continue to back and retreat, eventually we have to face the final demand--the ultimatum. And what then? When Nikita Khrushchev has told his people he knows what our answer will be? He has told them that we are retreating under the pressure of the Cold War, and someday when the time comes to deliver the ultimatum, our surrender will be voluntary because by that time we will have weakened from within spiritually, morally, and economically. He believes this because from our side he has heard voices pleading for "peace at any price" or "better Red than dead," or as one commentator put it, he would rather "live on his knees than die on his feet." And therein lies the road to war, because those voices don't speak for the rest of us. You and I know and do not believe that life is so dear and peace so sweet as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery. If nothing in life is worth dying for, when did this begin--just in the face of this enemy? Or should Moses have told the children of Israel to live in slavery under the pharaohs? Should Christ have refused the cross? Should the patriots at Concord Bridge have thrown down their guns and refused to fire the shot heard 'round the world? The martyrs of history were not fools, and our honored dead who gave their lives to stop the advance of the Nazis didn't die in vain. Where, then, is the road to peace? Well, it's a simple answer after all.

You and I have the courage to say to our enemies, "There is a price we will not pay." There is a point beyond which they must not advance. This is the meaning in the phrase of Barry Goldwater's "peace through strength." Winston Churchill said that "the destiny of man is not measured by material computation. When great forces are on the move in the world, we learn we are spirits--not animals." And he said, "There is something going on in time and space, and beyond time and space, which, whether we like it or not, spells duty."

You and I have a rendezvous with destiny. We will preserve for our children this, the last best hope of man on Earth, or we will sentence them to take the last step into a thousand years of darkness.

We will keep in mind and remember that Barry Goldwater has faith in us. He has faith that you and I have the ability and the dignity and the right to make our own decisions and determine our own destiny.

Thank you very much.

Have a dream by M.L.King

________________________________________
Featured Quote
"I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin, but by the content of their character."
________________________________________
Listed in: Race

I am happy to join with you today in what will go down in history as the greatest demonstration for freedom in the history of our nation.

Five score years ago, a great American, in whose symbolic shadow we stand today, signed the Emancipation Proclamation. This momentous decree came as a great beacon light of hope to millions of Negro slaves who had been seared in the flames of withering injustice. It came as a joyous daybreak to end the long night of their captivity.

But one hundred years later, the Negro still is not free. One hundred years later, the life of the Negro is still sadly crippled by the manacles of segregation and the chains of discrimination. One hundred years later, the Negro lives on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of a vast ocean of material prosperity. One hundred years later, the Negro is still languishing in the corners of American society and finds himself an exile in his own land. So we have come here today to dramatize a shameful condition.

In a sense we have come to our nation's capital to cash a check. When the architects of our republic wrote the magnificent words of the Constitution and the Declaration of Independence, they were signing a promissory note to which every American was to fall heir. This note was a promise that all men, yes, black men as well as white men, would be guaranteed the unalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.

It is obvious today that America has defaulted on this promissory note insofar as her citizens of color are concerned. Instead of honoring this sacred obligation, America has given the Negro people a bad check, a check which has come back marked "insufficient funds." But we refuse to believe that the bank of justice is bankrupt. We refuse to believe that there are insufficient funds in the great vaults of opportunity of this nation. So we have come to cash this check -- a check that will give us upon demand the riches of freedom and the security of justice. We have also come to this hallowed spot to remind America of the fierce urgency of now. This is no time to engage in the luxury of cooling off or to take the tranquilizing drug of gradualism. Now is the time to make real the promises of democracy. Now is the time to rise from the dark and desolate valley of segregation to the sunlit path of racial justice. Now is the time to lift our nation from the quick sands of racial injustice to the solid rock of brotherhood. Now is the time to make justice a reality for all of God's children.

It would be fatal for the nation to overlook the urgency of the moment. This sweltering summer of the Negro's legitimate discontent will not pass until there is an invigorating autumn of freedom and equality. Nineteen sixty-three is not an end, but a beginning. Those who hope that the Negro needed to blow off steam and will now be content will have a rude awakening if the nation returns to business as usual. There will be neither rest nor tranquility in America until the Negro is granted his citizenship rights. The whirlwinds of revolt will continue to shake the foundations of our nation until the bright day of justice emerges.

But there is something that I must say to my people who stand on the warm threshold which leads into the palace of justice. In the process of gaining our rightful place we must not be guilty of wrongful deeds. Let us not seek to satisfy our thirst for freedom by drinking from the cup of bitterness and hatred.

We must forever conduct our struggle on the high plane of dignity and discipline. We must not allow our creative protest to degenerate into physical violence. Again and again we must rise to the majestic heights of meeting physical force with soul force. The marvelous new militancy which has engulfed the Negro community must not lead us to distrust of all white people, for many of our white brothers, as evidenced by their presence here today, have come to realize that their destiny is tied up with our destiny and their freedom is inextricably bound to our freedom. We cannot walk alone.

As we walk, we must make the pledge that we shall march ahead. We cannot turn back. There are those who are asking the devotees of civil rights, "When will you be satisfied?" We can never be satisfied as long as the Negro is the victim of the unspeakable horrors of police brutality. We can never be satisfied, as long as our bodies, heavy with the fatigue of travel, cannot gain lodging in the motels of the highways and the hotels of the cities. We can never be satisfied as long as a Negro in Mississippi cannot vote and a Negro in New York believes he has nothing for which to vote. No, no, we are not satisfied, and we will not be satisfied until justice rolls down like waters and righteousness like a mighty stream.

I am not unmindful that some of you have come here out of great trials and tribulations. Some of you have come fresh from narrow jail cells. Some of you have come from areas where your quest for freedom left you battered by the storms of persecution and staggered by the winds of police brutality. You have been the veterans of creative suffering. Continue to work with the faith that unearned suffering is redemptive.

Go back to Mississippi, go back to Alabama, go back to South Carolina, go back to Georgia, go back to Louisiana, go back to the slums and ghettos of our northern cities, knowing that somehow this situation can and will be changed. Let us not wallow in the valley of despair.

I say to you today, my friends, so even though we face the difficulties of today and tomorrow, I still have a dream. It is a dream deeply rooted in the American dream.

I have a dream that one day this nation will rise up and live out the true meaning of its creed: "We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal."

I have a dream that one day on the red hills of Georgia the sons of former slaves and the sons of former slave owners will be able to sit down together at the table of brotherhood.

I have a dream that one day even the state of Mississippi, a state sweltering with the heat of injustice, sweltering with the heat of oppression, will be transformed into an oasis of freedom and justice.

I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character.

I have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day, down in Alabama, with its vicious racists, with its governor having his lips dripping with the words of interposition and nullification; one day right there in Alabama, little black boys and black girls will be able to join hands with little white boys and white girls as sisters and brothers.

I have a dream today.

I have a dream that one day every valley shall be exalted, every hill and mountain shall be made low, the rough places will be made plain, and the crooked places will be made straight, and the glory of the Lord shall be revealed, and all flesh shall see it together.

This is our hope. This is the faith that I go back to the South with. With this faith we will be able to hew out of the mountain of despair a stone of hope. With this faith we will be able to transform the jangling discords of our nation into a beautiful symphony of brotherhood. With this faith we will be able to work together, to pray together, to struggle together, to go to jail together, to stand up for freedom together, knowing that we will be free one day.

This will be the day when all of God's children will be able to sing with a new meaning, "My country, 'tis of thee, sweet land of liberty, of thee I sing. Land where my fathers died, land of the pilgrim's pride, from every mountainside, let freedom ring."

And if America is to be a great nation this must become true. So let freedom ring from the prodigious hilltops of New Hampshire. Let freedom ring from the mighty mountains of New York. Let freedom ring from the heightening Alleghenies of Pennsylvania!

Let freedom ring from the snowcapped Rockies of Colorado!

Let freedom ring from the curvaceous slopes of California!

But not only that; let freedom ring from Stone Mountain of Georgia!

Let freedom ring from Lookout Mountain of Tennessee!

Let freedom ring from every hill and molehill of Mississippi. From every mountainside, let freedom ring.

And when this happens, When we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jews and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics, will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual, "Free at last! free at last! thank God Almighty, we are free at last!"

Цуурай

Найм ес орчим настай нэг хүү эцгийн хамт ууланд аялж явжээ. Гэтэл хүү гэнэт хальтран унахдаа өвдсөндөө болон “ёо ёо!” гэж орилжээ. Гэтэл дуу нь цуурайтан эргэн сонсогджээ. Хүү, хэн нэгэн бас “ёо ёо!” гэж орилохыг сонсов. Өмнө нь ийм зүйлтэй огт тааралдаж байгаагүй тул гайхан:
“Чи хэн бэ?” гэж хашхирав.
Хариу ч тэр дороо ирлээ.
“Чи хэн бэ?”
Харин хүү бухимдан:
“Хулчгар!” гэв.
Хариу бас л ижилхэн:
“Хулчгар!” гэж ирэв.
Хүү аавдаа:
“Ааваа энэ чинь одоо юу болоод байгаа юм бэ! Би ойлгохгүй байна.” гэв.
Аав нь:
“Миний хүү сонсож бай! гээд,
“Бүх юм сайхан!” гэж хашхирав.
Уулнаас ирэх дуу эргээд:
“Бүх юм сайхан!” гэв.
Аав:
“Би чамд хайртай!”
Уулнаас ирэх дуу:
“Би чамд хайртай!”
Хүү гайхсан хэвээр сайн ойлгоогүй байлаа.
Үүнийг харсан аав нь: “Энэ дууг “цуурай” гэдэг юм. Гэвч амьдрал үнэндээ яг цуурай шиг байдаг. Чиний хэлсэн хийсэн бүр чинь эргээд чамд тэр хэвээр тусдаг. Амьдрал бол бидний өөрсдийн хийсэн хэлсний цуурай мөн билээ. Амьдралыг сайн сайхан байлгаж, муу муухайгаас цэвэрлэх хэрэгтэй. Бусдыг өрөвч, зөөлөн байгаасай гэж хүсч байгаа бол эхлээд өөрөө өрөвч зөөлөн байх хэрэгтэй. Амьдрал бол, чи түүнд юу өгнө, эргээд яг түүнийг чамд өгдөг.”

Уучлах гэдэг ямар сайхан гээч…

Амьдралдаа зөвхөн нэг удаа ярилцсан хүнийг дөчин гурван жилийн дараа санах нь тийм ч амар зүйл биш. Арван хоёр настай бяцхан жаал байхдаа халаасны мөнгө олох гэж айлуудад сонин тараадаг байлаа. Тэр үед одоо нэрийг нь санахгүй байгаа настай нэгэн эмэгтэй миний үйлчлүүлэгч байлаа. Уучлах гэдэг нь ямар гайхамшигтай агуу зүйл болохыг тэр эмэгтэй надад ойлгуулсан юм.
Нэгэн бямба гарагт би хэдэн найзуудтайгаа тэдний цэцэрлэгийн арын хашаан дээр суун байшингийн дээвэр лүү нь бяцхан чулуу нүүлгэн дээврийг оноод бууж байгааг чулууг харваж байгаа одтой зүйрлэн баясаж байлаа. Гэтэл миний шидсэн нэг чулуу арын хаалганы цонхыг нь онох нь тэр. Цонхны хагарах чимээг сонсон бид ухаан жолоогүй тэндээс зугатацгаав. Настай эмэгтэй биднийг хараагүй гэдэгт би итгэлтэй байсан ч, бүтэн шөнийн турш харсан бол яана гэсэн бодол намайг унтуулсангүй. Маргааш нь хаалгыг нь тогшин сонингоо өгөхөд минь тэрээр урьдын адил дотно, дулаахан инээмсэглэлээрээ намайг угтан мэндийг минь мэдэв. Харин би хийсэн гэмээсээ ичин нүүр лүү нь харж чадахгүй байв. Ингээд би сонин тараасныхаа хөлсийг цуглуулахаар шийдлээ. Гурван долоо хоногийн дараа яг долоон доллар боллоо. Нэг цаасан дээр “Гэрийн тань арын хаалганы цонхыг санаандгүй хагалсныг минь уучлаарай. Энэ дугтуйн дахь мөнгө цонх шиллэхэд хүрэлцэнэ гэж бодож байна.” гэж бяцхан зурвас бичээд мөнгөний хамт дугуйлан харанхуй болохыг хүлээж байгаад хаалганых нь дэргэдэх шуудангийн хайрцагт хийв. Маргааш нь настай эмэгтэйгээс санаа зовох зүйлгүй инээмсэглэн хаалгыг нь тогшив. Тэр урьдын адил дотно сайхан инээмсэглэлээр угтлаа. Би ч гэсэн айх юмгүй эгцлэн харж инээмсэглэлээ.
Сонингоо өгөөд эргэтэл тэр, “Өө, бүр мартахаа шахлаа! Чамд өгөх гэж жигнэмэг бэлдсэн юм.” гээд боодолтой юм өглөө. Тэднийхээс гарч байхдаа их л баяртайгаар жигнэмэгээ идэж эхэллээ. Хэдийг идсэний дараа дахиад нэгийг авах гэтэл нэг дугтуй гарт баригдав. Гаргаж ирээд яаран задалтал дотор нь долоон долларын хамт: “Хүү минь, би чамаар бахархаж байна.” гэж бичсэн байлаа.

Хар аймшгийн өдөр

Өнөөдөр хүмүүсийг соронзон мэт татдаг Америкийн визний ярилцлаганд ороод виз авч чадсангүй ээ. Аав ээж хоёрынхоо мөнгөөр ч ёстой тоглож байна даа ёстой аймаар байноо.Аймшгийн өдөр :(

Х day

weather makes me crazy! Mgl-ийн хавраа гэж... улаан шороо эргээд л аймаар байна. энэ шороон шуурга болоосой. Миний доторх, цаг агаар хоёр л яг ижилхэн байна даа хэхэхэ. Ингэснээс хурдан зун болчоосой.

Дахиад л нэг боломжийг алдлаа:)

Хүн хор шартай, зорилготой, түүндээ хүрэх гэсэн хүсэл тэмүүллээр дүүрэн байх ёстой юу? яг одоо дахин дахин өөрөөсөө асууж байна. Би ямар байх ёстой вэ?
Соросын сангаас энэ жил АНУ-д оюутан солилцоогоор сурах тэтгэлэг зарлаад түүнд бүтэн жилжингээ бэлтгэн оролцож, нүдээ бүлтийтэл хариу хүлээж суулаа:) Өнөөдөр найз маань утсаар яриад: Найз нь тэнцчихсэн чи яасан бэ? гэж асуулаа. Би тэнцээгүй гэдгээ шууд ойлгоод, хоолойноос ямар ч үг гарсангүй. Өнөөдөржингөө унжийсан юм л явлаа. Би бүүр уйлмаар санагдаад байх юм би ямар их хичээж зүтгэлээ дээ. Миний аз хийморь хаашаа нисчихсэн юм бэ? хичээгээд хичээгээд нэг л болохгүй юм. Өөрөө өөртөө гомдмоор ч юм шиг эсвэл би зүгээр л бусдад атаархаад байгаа юм болов уу? Магадгүй би сайн хичээж байгаа гэж бодоод байгаа ч бусдаас дутуу л хөдөлмөрлөөд байгаа юм болов уу даа. ямар ч байсан юманд их хүлээлттэй байх хэрэггүй юм байна. Их хүлээлтийн дараа үнэхээр их сэтгэлээр унадаг юм байна.
За тэгээд амьдрал тэр чигээрээ л боломж байдаг ш дээ. Нэгийг алдахад нөгөө нь хүлээж л байдаг. Сэтгэлээр унаад ч яах билээ дээ.... bebe минь don't worry!

Tүвд ба Монгол

Түвдийн ард түмэн яг эгзэгтэй мөчийг тааруулан дэлхийн анхаарлыг өөртөө татаж чадсан нь үнэхээр сайн хэрэг шүү. Хятадууд яаж дээрэлхдэг гэж сананаа. Манай өвөр монголчуудыг харал даа. хөгжөөд байна гээд байдаг тэд нар нь дан хятадууд. Харин яг Монголчууд нь ямар ч боловсролгүй ядуу, зөвхөн тэр өдрөө л бодож, хэцүү амьдардаг юм билээ. Өвөр Монголын хөдөөгөөр явбал иймэрхүү л амьдрал байдаг. Түүнтэй адил зовлонг туулж байгаа Түвдийн ард түмнийг чөлөөлөгдөөсэй гэж би хүсч байна.
Wikipedia-д түвдүүд монголчуудтай холбоотой, Монгол гаралтай хүмүүс гэж бичжээ. Түүхээсээ тийм байналээ шдээ. Тэгсэн чинь саяхан миний хүндэлдэг байсан гадаад хэргийн сайд Оюун Хятадад айлчлаад гадаад хэргийн сайдад нь бараалхаж хоёр орны гадаад хэргийг хөгжүүлэх талаар ярилцсан сурагтай. Хамгийн гол нь энэ нь BBC-гээр цацагдаад л. Миний хувьд яг л Хятадад долгинож, Түвдийн буруу гэж байгаа юм шиг санагдсан.
Харин манай Монгол орон чинь бүх л зүйлээрээ Хятадаас хамааралтай болчихоод байгаа шд. Ингэхэд манай орон Хятадын харьяалалд орвол бид нар Түвдүүдтэй адилхан л ингэж тусгаар тогтнолынхоо төлөө тэмцэнэ шүүдээ. Өчигдөр Бундестагийнн хурлаар Түвдийн эрх чөлөөний төлөө, хүний эрх чөлөөний төлөө бид чадах зүйлээ хийж, тэдний эрх ашгийн төлөө байна гээд л гоё хурал болж байна лээ.
Дэлхийн ихэнх улс орон Түвдийн төлөө бат зогсож, хүний эрх чөлөөг дээдэлж байхад Манайх ядаж чимээгүй хараад сууж байж болоогүй юм байх даа. Хятадыг дэмжээд байх даа ч яахав дээ.

Амьдралаа гэж...

Би бээр энгийн нэгэн айлын охин. багадаа аав ээж хоёрыг надад бусадтай адил гоё амттан, гоё хувцас авч өгсөнгүй гэж байнга гомддог байж билээ. Гэхдээ юу ч мэдэхгүй хүүхэд байсан юм шүү. бүүр өөр аав ээжтэй болохгүй яаваа гэж боддог байсан гээч. Одоо бодсон чин ямар аймшигтай юм боддог байснаа төсөөлөхөд бэрх.Аав ээж 2маань эдэнд умбуулж өсгөөгүй ч бүх л зүйлээ зориулж хайраараа энхрийлж өсгөсөн. Бүх л зүйлээ боловсрол хүмүүжилд маань зориулсан та хоёртоо хайртай шүү. Эрхлэхийг мэдэхгүй өссөн ч хайр гэдгийг мэдэрсэн шүү аав ээж хоёр минь. Тэвчээр гэж юу болох, амьдрал гэж юу болохыг бие сэтгэлээрээ заасан шүү та хоёр минь. Охин нь та хоёрынхоо үнэ цэнийг мэдэрлээ санажийнаа. Өдөр бүр утсаар ярьж залгадаг таньгүйгээр би амьдралаа төсөөлөхгүй нь ээжээ. Замыг маань зааж байнга зөвлөдөг аав таньгүйгээр би амьдрал ямар байх байсан болоо.
Юу ч мэдэхгүй амьдралын зовлонг төсөөлж ч байгаагүй айлын эрх хүүхдүүдийг хараад намайг ингэж өсгөөгүй аав ээж та хоёртоо үнэхээр их баярлаж, улам улам их бахархаж хайрлаж санаж байна. Миний хоёр нар охин нь хүслийг нь биелүүлж сайхан амьдарч хүн шиг байнаа. санажийнаа.

Залхуурал

Даалгавар бие даалтууд овоороод л.. хэхэхэ би залхуураад л. Бичих ч юм олдохгүй хоёр хоног тэнэг юм шиг кино үзлээ. За юмаа хийдэг ч юм билүү. Өнөөдөр ямар сонин өдөр вэ.......making me crazy!

Өнөөдрийн сэтгэгдэл

Өнөөдөр энгийн л нэг өдөр байлаа. Хүмүүс ажилдаа яарцгаагаад, би хичээлдээ яараад л... яагаад ч юм бэ өнөөдөр хүн мөрөөдөл хүсэлтэй байж түүнийхээ төлөө тэмцэх ямар гоё байдгийг мэдэрлээ. өнөөдөр нэг хүний хичээлд суусан юм л даа. Их шаргуу, хөдөлмөрч тэрээр багаасаа бие дааж өөртөө байгаа бүх зүйлээ өөрийн гараар бүтээсэн атлаа ямар даруухан энгийн гэж санана аа. Сайхан хүнтэй ярилцахаар ямар их энерги авдаг билээ дээ надад маш их энерги өглөө. Баярлалаа Dave...
Би ч урд нь урсгалаар явдаг нэгэн байжээ. Багадаа тийм болно ийм болно гэж мөрөөддөг байсан тэр мөрөөдөлдөө хичнээн үнэнч байлаа даа. Өрсөлдөө л, ялаа л, ялагдаа л...хэхэхэ. Тэгээд жил ирэх тусам л бүх зүйл бэлэн болоод сэдэлжүүлэх зүйлгүй болоод ч тэр үү бодоод байсан чинь сүүлийн гурван жил маань зүгээр л урсгалаар өнгөрчээ. Харин 2008 он миний хувьд ухаарал сэнхрэлийн жил болой. хэд хэдэн мөрөөдөлдөө хүрээд байгаа ... хэхэхэ. Мөрөөдөл зорилго дуусах биш, дахин шинээр сүндэрлээд л.
Бүгдээрээ зорилготой тэмүүлэлтэй амьдарна шүү ок!
No pain, no gain!

Диваажинд төрөх амаргүй

Нэгэн ядуу хөдөөний хүн хорвоог орхижээ. Нүдээ нээгээд хартал диваажингийн үүдэнд зогсож байлаа. Урд талд нь нэг баян залуу зогсож байв. Тэгтэл нэг тэнгэр элч ирээд диваажингийн хаалгыг алтан түлхүүрээр онгойлголоо. Эхлээд нөгөө баян залуу дотогш орлоо. Харин тэгэхэд диваажингийхан баяр хөөр болж байгаа сонсогдон хөгжим дуугаран бөөн дуу хуураар угтаж байлаа. Тэгэж байтал хаалга дахин онгойн дотор чимээгүй болсон байхад хөдөөний хүн дотогшоо орлоо. Нэг тэнгэр элч угтаж аваад: "Тавтай морил хөдөөний анд минь" гэж л хэлэв.
Тэгэхэд "нөгөө бөөн дуу чимээ хаачсан бэ? яагаад бүжиг бүжиглэхгүй байгаа юм бэ?" гэж хөдөөний хүн их л чанга дуугаар асуув.
"Та нар баян хүнийг орохоор дуу дуулж, бүжиг бүжиглэж угтсан. Би ядуу хүн л дээ, гэхдээ миний ядуу амьдрал дэлхийд үлдчихээ биз дээ? Диваажингийн бүгд адилхан биш билүү?" гэхэд, "Тиймээ бүгд адилхан. Баян ядуу бүгд адилхан. Гэхдээ анд минь юу гээч, өдөр бүр хэдэн зуун ядуу хүн диваажинд ирдэг, харин баян хүн зуун жилд ганц ирдэг юм. Учир нь мөнгө бол маш том шалгуур юм" гэж тэнгэр элч хариулав.

Хүргэн бэрийн андгай

Бэрийн андгай: Хоёр хагасыг нийлүүлж нэг бүтэн болгож байгаа энэ өдөр эхнэр би: зээлийн картаа хоосруулж чамайг өрөнд оруулахгүй гэдгээ, байн байн уйлан төрхөмдөө харихгүйгээ, үнэтэй бэлэг авахгүй гэдгээ, үргэлж гомдоллохгүйгээ, өдөр бүр чамд аятайхан хоол хийж өгч байхаа, чамайг ойлгохыг хичээхээ, насан туршдаа чамайгаа хайрлахаа андгайлж байна.
Хүргэний андгай: Хоёр хагасыг нийлүүлж нэг бүтэн болгож байгаа энэ өдөр нөхөр би: хөл бөмбөг, тэмцээнүүдийг чамайг залхтал үзэхгүйгээ, зурагтын удирдлагыг хааяа нэг чамд өгч байхаа, ажил их байсан нэрийдлээр найзуудтайгаа зугаацахгүйгээ, хадам ээж зочилж ирэхэд тавгүйцэхгүйгээ, тэмдэглэлт өдрүүдийг хэзээ ч мартахгүйгээ, хааяа нэг санаачлагаараа чамдаа аятайхан бэлэг авч байхыгаа, чамайг үргэлж хайрлаж хамгаалж халамжилж байхаа андгайлж байна.

Шинэ ертөнц сэтгүүл-ээс

New life

Bi omno ni olon udaa blog neej baisan hedii ch amjilt oloogui ee. account esvel passwordoo martchihdag bsan gevel yahuu...

Minii huvid busdiin l adil negen zalhuurah vedee zalhuuraad l. Harin sayhan nadad tohioldson yvdlaas hoish amidraliig iluu oilgoh bolsnoo uhaarah bolloo. ene amidral gashuun hedii ch amttai, jargaltai hedii ch boginohon. amidraliin enehen ursgaliig dagaj bish sorj amidrahaar shiidlee. tegeed l blog-oo neej ooriin sonin saikhan, amidraliin ornoloo bichij baival zugeer yum bolov uu gej bodood... bas olon jiliin daraa dursgaltai shd.

za ingeed unshigchaas bichihgch ruu shiljij new life-aa ehluullee. odoo tuushtai hotolnoo.